China’s largest-ever military parade, held on September 3, brought more than 12,000 PLA troops under Xi Jinping’s command. The event highlighted the People’s Liberation Army’s modernization, with advanced weapons displayed as much for international signaling as for domestic pride.
It also showcased Xi Jinping’s achievements in driving military reform. Xi first outlined his roadmap at the 19th Party Congress in 2017, setting milestones to achieve major progress by 2027, full modernization by 2035, and a “world-class military” by 2049. The 2025 parade, held just ahead of the 2027 benchmark, was intended to prove these reforms are no longer abstract goals but visible realities, reinforcing Xi’s vision and sending a clear message at home and abroad that China’s military modernization is active, advancing, and operational.
At the parade, China unveiled its complete nuclear triad, land, sea, and air-based nuclear capabilities, marking the first time these systems had been shown together in public. State media hailed the display as the nation’s “strategic trump card.” The centerpiece was the Dongfeng-5C intercontinental ballistic missile, a new variant with a range of 12,400 miles (20,000 km) and the ability to carry up to 12 warheads, capable of striking any part of the United States. Another surprise was the DF-61, a mobile ICBM with a range of more than 12,000 km, a designation not seen since the 1970s.
Alongside its nuclear arsenal, China highlighted its expanding hypersonic weapons program. The YJ-15 hypersonic anti-ship missile, part of the Ying Ji or “eagle attack” series, was designed to be launched from ships or aircraft and penetrate large vessels with devastating force. Additional hypersonic systems, including the YJ-17, YJ-19, YJ-20, and the debuting YJ-21, reinforced Beijing’s ability to threaten maritime forces at long range while remaining difficult to intercept.
The parade also featured cutting-edge unmanned and AI-driven platforms. The AJX002, a 65-foot-long submarine drone, was built for covert deployment, blockade operations, autonomous detection, and swarm-networked attacks. On land, four-legged “robotic wolves” were showcased for mine-sweeping, reconnaissance, and combat operations, demonstrating China’s intent to fully integrate AI into its military systems.
Analysts described the event as both spectacle and warning. Former Pentagon official Eli Ratner called it “a powerful demonstration of hard and soft power,” while Meia Nouwens noted the systems were “meant to signal to the United States that they should think twice about intervening on Taiwan’s behalf.”
Yet Western experts stressed caution: much of China’s hardware remains untested in combat, unlike U.S. and allied systems, and the PLA’s rigid command structure still limits battlefield agility despite its flashy platforms.
There were few real surprises at the parade, but it confirmed much of what intelligence agencies had long known about China’s military capabilities.
Nuclear arsenal expansion was confirmed. The public debut of the nuclear triad aligned with Pentagon estimates that China now possesses more than 600 warheads and is on track to exceed 1,000 by 2030. The DF-5C, noted in the Pentagon’s 2024 report as “currently being fielded,” and other strategic systems demonstrated Beijing’s steady progress in advanced nuclear delivery, including hypersonic glide vehicles and potential fractional orbital bombardment systems.
There was no surprise that China is pursuing an anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) strategy, particularly in the context of a potential conflict over Taiwan or in the South China Sea. The concentration on hypersonic anti-ship missiles and large underwater drones underscored a strategy aimed at countering U.S. naval power in the Pacific. These capabilities are designed to deny American forces access to the region, directly challenging Washington’s ability to project power in defense of Taiwan or allies.
The parade emphasized China’s pursuit of “integrated joint operations” and “multi-domain” warfare across space, cyber, and the electromagnetic spectrum. The unveiling of platforms like the folding-wing KJ-600 and multiple hypersonic variants suggested near-operational readiness, in some cases moving faster than U.S. estimates had anticipated. Most significant was confirmation that China is ahead of schedule in deploying both nuclear and hypersonic arsenals.
Despite these advances, analysts stress that the U.S. retains an operational edge due to its battlefield adaptability and decentralized command. Western experts noted that most U.S. systems have been tested in combat, while much of China’s remains unproven. RAND highlighted that the PLA’s structure still hinders its goal of true joint operations, citing shortcomings in training, combat support, and logistics. The Jamestown Foundation similarly reported that PLA commanders admit training lags behind operational needs.
Other studies pointed to enduring weaknesses. CSIS observed that Beijing’s ambition for overseas bases has largely failed, while CFR noted the PLA has yet to demonstrate the large-scale urban warfare or long-distance logistics needed for operations against Taiwan or global contingencies. RAND further identified human capital problems, insufficient technical proficiency, education gaps, and corruption, as major obstacles. Even Chinese sources acknowledge these issues, referring to the “two incompatibles,” meaning a gap between current capabilities and the demands of modern warfare.
The Pentagon concludes that while the PLA is growing more capable in the Pacific, its reach remains limited, and it is far from global power projection. The parade did not reveal unknown systems but confirmed U.S. intelligence: China’s modernization is advancing faster than hoped, yet its forces remain constrained by structural, experiential, and operational shortcomings.
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